Egypt: the rhythm of revolution

Alex dissects the day to day rhythm of the Egyptian protests and what the likely outcomes of it might be:

The result of this is that there’s been a sort of media cycle – one day the papers are full of pictures from the latest day of rage, the next it’s all about people grandly speculating on what happens next, and the regime’s spokesmen explaining how they intend to preserve the substance of the regime. Perhaps they talk about that on the other days, but nobody is listening. Or perhaps they believe it, when they wake up and hear that there are only tens of thousands of rebels in Tahrir Square rather than hundreds of thousands. Then, the next callout of the demonstrators resets the clock again.

Today, we seem to be in one of the ebb-tide phases. So it’s a good moment for a bit of speculating. What is important, in these terms, is that the government doesn’t seem to be regaining much ground in between waves of protest. Instead, there seems to be a ratchet in operation – each wave extracts a new concession. Mubarak sacked his government. And appointed a vice president. Then he promised not to stand again. Then talks were opened with the opposition. Then the military accepted to talk directly with the opposition, independently. Then the NDP hierarchy was purged. Then Suleiman renounced becoming president himself. And the regime’s own peak effort – Wednesday’s thug raid – was dramatic and violent at the time, but with hindsight was nowhere near enough in terms of numbers to change anything. Arguably, it wrecked the government’s remaining legitimacy and only demonstrated its lack of mass support.

Alex is optimistic about the chances of the revolution succeeding; if Egypt can turn out either like Poland in 1981 or like Poland in 1989, it looks more than the latter than the former. As he argues, once past the initial stage of a revolution it takes time to change things:

Looking ahead, it’s worth remembering that 1989 took time to deliver. After the original moment of success, there was a long and uncertain haul of getting rid of specific individual bastards, changing laws, moving editors around the State TV and inspectors around the police force. I think we’re now into this phase.

I wonder whether the traditional news media understand this rhythm; so far it seems that every time the protests died down, they have been impatient to declare it over. As it continued their focus has also more and more shifted from the “democracy, whisky, sexy” angle to the grave considerations of the economic impact of the protest on Egypt and how it’s now time for the serious, moderate men to negotiate a compromise between Mubarak and the protesters. Cue numerous vox-pop bits of alleged protesters saying enough is enough and they want to go back to work now. The whole revolution just does not seem to fit their scripts and it’s noticable in how much news channels and papers keep lagging behind developments, with the noticable exception of Al-Jazeera.

I also wonder how much more impatient we’ve all become since 1989, what with very quick updating news media like Twitter and insta-reaction blogs and all that. The revolution proper is only two weeks old, but it can feel much longer following it online.

So far this is only an annoyance, but it can be a danger for the nascent revolution as well, as expectations towards its resolution shift and people are pressured into accepting “compromise”.

The Fall of the House of Murdoch

Alex looks at the trouble in the Murdoch empire:

There’s a genuinely weird feeling to this. Obviously there’s some sort of political re-alignment going on, but it’s impossible to say what it is or how far it will go. It all seems to be dependent on things like the story about the journalist who started taping all his phone calls because his drinking problem meant he couldn’t remember what they told him and he feared they would use this to exploit him. Charming people. Someone apparently has copies. But who?

Newly established authoritarian regimes are always the most vulnerable during their succession process, as various Roman generals turned emperors found out on their deathbed. The Murdoch empire has had scandals and legal troubles before, but Murdoch has always been too useful for some and too powerful for others to have been bothered too much. that was Rubert though; but who is afraid of James?

Your Happening World (18)

Nadine Dorrie, vicious cow. Should a member of parliament really spent her time harassing a disabled woman for being active on Twitter?

Andrew Marr, silly ass. “BBC presenter tells Cheltenham Literary Festival that citizen journalists will never replace real news” — perhaps not, but sycophantic power worshipers like yourself should worry. How much do we really need a muppet like Marr to stand outside Downing Street and tell us everything the nice news lady already said in her introduction? And shouldn’t we be more worried about “anonymous sources in the coalition government” or “an anonymous high ranking Labour insider” whispering in Marr’s shell likes than in what some anonymous (or rather, pseudonymous) blogger puts on their site?

The truth about the UK’s national debt. Take a look at that last chart, showing interest payments in percentage of GDP were actually higher in the eighties and nineties under the Tories than they are now, when they’re supposedly unsustainable…

More news as updates warrant.

Context dammit!

It’s nice that the Nation gets outraged about Obama approving cooperation between the US military and one of the more infamous Indonesian murder squads:

Yesterday’s announcement by the Obama administration that it is resuming military ties with the mass-murdering war criminals of Indonesia’s special forces ought to give us pause. Because the new relationship with Kopassus, the Indonesian thugs, has little or nothing to do with concrete U.S. interests in Indonesia – do we have any, anyway? – and everything to do with building a Great Wall around China.

But it would be nice had the article also acknowledged America’s important role in enablihing the Kopassus to commit their crimes. It was in an earlier struggle against supposed communism that several million people got murdered for being communist, or socialist, or just leftist or in the way. It’s was the US who armed the killers and led the killing and who supported the Indonesian military as they committed one warcrime after another, from the invasion of East Timor to the counterinsurgency in Papua New Guinea. In short, while this article does criticise current policy, by its silence on the history of American support for Indonesia, it helps whitewash this history, making the US seem more innocent in this than it really is. All that remains for a reader not familiar with this history is a vague awareness that this Indonesian unit is bad and Obama in the wrong for wanting to support it, but unaware that the very crimes for which Kopassus was responsible were instigated on behalf of America and that America has supported it throughout these crimes.

What drives me nuts about BBC science reporting

Dilbert.com

Is neatly captured in the above Dilbert strip. Any report about some new research finding out cheese causes cancer in middle aged women e.g. never quantifies the risk enough to know how serious you should take it, nor puts it into context. If there’s a “significant increase” in getting cancer from eating cheese, what does it? Does it mean of a 100 non-cheese eating women none get cancer and of 100 cheese eating women, all get cancer? Or does it mean two in the non-cheese group and 3 in the cheese group, or…

What I expect from these stories, but never get, is a) how reliable is the finding b) how does the bad/good thing used as story hook compares to not doing it and c) context with other risks and likelyhood of having to care about it because the risk/benefit is high enough to make it worthwhile. If eating grapes makes me better resistent to Alzheimers, it matters whether eating a bunch a week means I never get Alzheimers or whether I need to eat a ton a day to get a five percent less high risk of getting it…