Deeds not Words

As the poster for 1982’s action epic Megaforce had it. A motto a certain breed of liberal Biden defender and Democrats stan should adopt, as even now they keep putting more value on what’s being said than what’s being done. Throughout the genocide in Gaza I ran into people who took what Biden was saying at face value while refusing to take his actions into account. If Biden said he was working on a peace plan that must be true and that means you can ignore him sending more bombs and weapons to Israel and still vote for Harris. The mantra for anybody who argued against this was that “Trump would be worse” while Gaza was flattened and tens of thousands were murdered. A complete refusal to accept what a Democratic president was perpetrating in reality justified with a hypothetical. Instead of putting pressure on the Democrats to stop the genocide, this type of liberal rather spent their time scolding strangers online for not believing enough in what’s in Biden’s heart.

What frustrated me in this is not even that these people were comfortable having the genocide in Gaza as the price to pay for their own safety, but their refusal to admit that this was what they were doing. Plenty of Democratic voters were both revulsed by their party’s ongoing support for genocide yet still felt compelled to vote for them considering what Trump had in store for America. So many people I talked to in the run up to the election felt helpless and frustrated because of this. But not these people. Even as Trump got Netanyahu to (temporarily) end the genocide, they still put more stock in what he’s saying than in what he’s doing, as with his recent remarks on wanting to remove all Palestinians from Gaza.

This for them is supposed to prove once and for all that Trump is worse than Biden, that they were right to not protest and that those who did were handing Trump the election. Unfortunately, even on their own terms this does not hold water, because Biden too talked about evacuating Gaza:

The plan to empty Gaza of Palestinians—while insisting that it’s a temporary measure for their own good—is an eerie echo of former President Joe Biden’s approach to the region. In the first few days of the war, the Biden administration tried to push Egypt to accept a mass exodus of Palestinians. Bringing up that possibility again, now that the bombs have stopped dropping, is seen by both Arab and Israeli figures as an attempt to restart the war.

Yes, in Biden’s case this was supposed to be temporary and for humanitarian reasons, but that’s the case for Trump too. Trump talked about how Gaza is “literally a demolition site right now, almost everything is demolished and people are dying there” as his justification and Biden’s argument was little different. It makes some sense to evacuate and individual Palestinian families have chosen exile over remaining in a war zone, but does anybody really expected Israel to allow them to return once they left? Even if done for different motives, the end result in both cases would be the same, an emptied Gaza with its population in permanent exile as Israel would never let them return. After all, they haven’t allowed the 1948 refugees to return either.

Carefully not using the i-word

Henry Farrell’s impassionate attack on Matty Yglesias’ bloodless technocracy sure does read like, erm, bloodless technocracy:

But equally obviously, they are not the whole of politics nor anywhere near it. Policy is not made, in the US or anywhere else, through value-neutral debate among technocrats about the relative efficiency of different proposed schemes. Hence, the need for a theory of politics – that is, a theory of how policy proposals can be guided through the political process, and implemented without being completely undermined. And this is all the more important, because (on most plausible theories of politics) there are interaction effects between policy choices at time a and politics at time a+1. The policy choices you make now may have broad political consequences in the future. Obvious examples include policies on campaign spending, or union organization, which directly affect the ability of political actors to mobilize in the future.

This remains a debate on policy implementation taking place within a narrow band of acceptable political opinion, with the difference between Yglesias and Farrell being that the first is a policy wonk, the latter more of a politics wonk, but neither seems comfortable contronting the more fundamental question of ideology, nor are the commenters.

QotD: centrist cat fight!

Over at Crooked Timber, Henry Farrell wrote a post about the limits of left neoliberalism, to which Brad DeLong left a snotty comment, to which Chris Bertram in turn responded with the blog equivalent of a napalm strike:

Well as usual, Brad is busy constructing boxes to put people in. Those who read his blog will know that when he isn’t sneering at those to his left, he is sighing and groaning at all those policymakers who fail to grasp that reason dictates the adoption of his preferred solution which is in the best interest of everyone. I wonder why they don’t adopt his policies then? What could the explanation be? Oh … Henry may be right and the fact is that he doesn’t have any grasp of political power and mobilization.

[…]

(Actually, I’m being unfair to Brad. He does have a theory of politics. It is that people would see the pure light of wisdom radiating from people like him, if only those pesky people to his left would shut up and stop frightening the horses.)

Fight! Fight! Fight!

Rich Boomer turns rightwing, feels need to write book about it

David Mamet interviewed for the New York Times:

Years ago, you described “American Buffalo” as being about “how we excuse all sorts of great and small betrayals and ethical compromises called business.” In this book, you defend enormous payouts to C.E.O.’s working for failing corporations. You seem to have changed radically.
I have. Here’s the question: Is it absurd for a company to pay hundreds of millions of dollars to a C.E.O. if the company is failing? The answer is that it may or may not be absurd, but it’s none of our goddamned business. Because as Milton Friedman said, the question is not what are the decisions but who makes the decisions. Because when the government starts deciding what’s absurd, you’re on the road to serfdom.

Don’t you have to denounce your early, anticapitalistic work then?
Of course not. At that time in my life I didn’t have a penny, and I was glad to be working at entry-level jobs. Having lived for quite a while longer, I see life from a different perspective. What am I going to do, go on denouncing capitalism all my life?

Mamet first came out three years ago, in a screed for the Village Voice in which he explained that all you liberals are doodyheads and he never liked you anyway. Judging from the interview above he has swallowed the whole range of wingnut beliefs whole and as uncritically as he himself said he had believed his old liberal assumptions Which is a sad commentary on (arguably) America’s greatest living playwright but typical for a lot of those road to Damascus stories. All those people who move to the right when they’re middleaged and rich always have to make up a fairytale about how their eyes were suddenly opened to the evils of liberalism, yet their conversion stories never betray more than a superficial understanding of either their old or their new politics. Their vanity doesn’t allow people like Mamet to admit they switched for purely selfish reasons, hence that urge to write books about their completely unprecendented journey from unthinking liberal to still unthinking conservative.

Hans van Mierlo (18 augustus 1931 – 11 maart 2010)

Hans van Mierlo

I just heard the news that Hans van Mierlo has died. Though most of y’all outside the Netherlands won’t know who he is, he was one of the most important figures in Dutch postwar politics, a towering giant admired both inside and outside of his own party. He was also a somewhat tragic figure, the founder of a party that was supposed to transform the Dutch political system, who saw his party make an end to the Christian Democratic domination of postwar governments, but also saw his party become part of the very same system it was founded to destroy. He was a decent man, a honest man, a politician you could respect though you disagreed with his politics, unlike most of his succesors in his party.

It all started back in 1966 when van Mierlo, together with some forty-odd other people concerned about the state of the Dutch democracy founded Democraten ’66, or D’66, later D66. The postwar consensus between the Liberal, Christian-Democrat and Social Democratic parties meant that voters had little or no influence on politics, with important decisions being made in smoky backrooms and paternalistic, elistist governments out of touch with the citizens. D66 was an attempt to break this system by providing a new kind of politics, outside the old traditions and wanting a complete remodeling of the Dutch political system. It was immediately succesful, winning seven seats in parliament in the elections the next year, at a time when such broad shifts were largely unknown. D66 paved the way for a whole wave of new parties in the sixties and seventies, forcing the older parties to respond or lose seats.

But the succes did not last. By the mid-seventies the party had almost died out, before revamping itself as a more properly liberal party, less orientated towards political transformation. Its fortunes waxed and waned over the decades, usually rising in opposition and falling again in government, with its zenith in 1994, when it won twentyfour seats and — for the first time since World War I– a government was formed without the Christian Democrats, the deadlock it had on Dutch politics finally broken. It meant that finally there was a political consensus for such liberal measures as gay marriage, long after the public consensus had reached this point.

And yet, this success didn’t last either. Since 1994 D66’s electoral fortunes have kept waning, with last elections being their worst ever, with only three seats in parliament, though polls have since then seen its fortunes rising again. What’s worse however is how little has remained of its ideals. From grand ideas to change the political system they degraded to a checklist of demands, to be traded in during coalition negotiations, finally to be discarded entirely for another shot at power. Perhaps the worst moment for D66 and van Mierlo may have been when Thom de Graaf, just resigned as minister in the then government because his plans to introduce elected mayors were torpedoed by parliament, buggered off to become an unelected mayor himself… It was symbolic for the shambles the party was in at the time and must’ve hurt van Mierlo somewhat.

Since then the party has once again resurrected itself as the voice of reasonable anti-Wilders voters, but any respect I used to have for them –I voted for van Mierlo in the 1994 elections, my first– has long been lost. But van Mierlo himself has never lost my respect, because he has always stayed true to his ideals even with all the trouble he has had realising them.