One small victory for the squatters movement

one example of a squat

Earlier this year squatting was made illegal in the Netherlands. This ban had been threatened for a long time, but only found a majority in parliament now, just one symptom of the rightward trend in politics here. A depressing development that showed how weak and irrelevant the squatting movement had become. At one time the movement, in all its forms had been hugely powerful and been widely supported, despite (or perhaps, because) having huge running battles with the police during the late seventies and early eighties. A longterm shortage of affordable housing in the major cities, a situation that existed ever since the war, combined with conspicously empty but perfectly good buildings deliberately kept empty by private speculators as well as city councils, especially in Amsterdam meant squatters had a lot of sympathy amongst ordinary people. Squats were — and are — also nuclei of alternative culture, a cheap or even free space for all sorts of cultural activities less likely to find a place elsewhere. But with the easing of the housing shortage and the gentrification of the inner cities, the squatting movement has lost much of its attraction and support. It has shrunk considerably, down to a hardcore of idealists and a few more tourists and ironically has also become much less violent than it used to be. (Said violence of course mostly used in self defence against the much more violent opposition of police and the slumlords’ bully boys.)

With squatting seemingly no longer necessary and the movement largely moribund, it was no wonder rightwing parties finally could muster enough votes to make it completely illegal. This despite a long established jurisprudence that had established that the act of squatting itself could not be illegal. It was a symbolic act as much as anything, a way to stick the knife into an old enemy. At first it even seemed most city councils confronted with squatters were going to ignore the law, dealing with them as they had always done, on a case by case basis. But since then it seems the tide has turned and even a squatting friendly city like Amsterdam has become more active with squat clearings.

Until now.

Because yesterday the court in Den Haag decided that new law or not, the city council cannot clear out a squat without at the very least giving the people living there a chance to put their case to the court. It argued that the European laws and jurisprudence on human rights had established that the right to a home life meant that people cannot be chucked out of their homes without a court order. Because of this judgement, several planned clearances here in Amsterdam had to be postponed, as the city council had to study the judgement to see if it applied to them or not, the first good news the squatting movement has recieved in the last few years. What’s more, if the judgement is upheld and not overthrown by a higher court, it means that each new clearance has to be publicised by the officier van justitie (D.A.), giving squatters the opportunity to appeal to the courts for each case, delaying or even stopping individual clearances and in general making the whole process much more costly.

It’s only a partial victory, squatting is still illegal, and it’s typical of the weakness of the squatters and their allies that it comes from the courts rather than the streets, but it it’s a hopeful sign. The ruling shows that the new anti-squatting law has its limitations and it might just be in conflict with European law as well.

Holland is becoming a human rights pariah

That’s the conclusion an Amnesty International led symposium reached last Friday, due to our immigration policies and especially the detention of socalled illegal immigrants. Between eight and ten thousand immigrants are jailed each year without having comitted a crime and they stay there on average some 97 days, with twenty percent being in prison for half a year or longer. These are people who have applied for asylum or leave to remain but were rejected and/or who didn’t have the right kind of documents and I.D. Perhaps the worst thing about it is that many of those jailed will leave prison without being either deported or leave to remain, but are just thrown out on the streets again, to be jailed again the next time the police taks to them.

Once in prison you can’t do anything but sit in your cell. Neither work nor study is allowed, contact with the outside world is limited and there is little to no organised activity within prison. In some cases the detention centre is worse than a regular prison is ever allowed to be, which means murderers and rapists are treated better than people whose only fault was to not have the right kind of papers.

The criticism isn’t new, as it’s largely unchanged from the criticism in the 2008 Amnesty International report on migrant detention in the Netherlands (PDF). What’s worrying is that the current government is much more hardlined on migration, actually planning to make not having valid papers a crime. It also wants to “intensify” deportion policies i.e. wants to deport more people more often. Already the government tried to deport Iraki Chritians depsite having recieved a letter from the European Court of Human Rights forbidding this. Incidently the responsible minister, Gerd Leers, was once mayor of Maastricht but had to leave his post because of alleged corruption — nothing proven, but enough smoke that the city council was afraid to find fire and sacked him.

But that’s just a coincidence. It doesn’t matter whether Leers is corrupt or not, because we’ve seen the immigration policies of successive governments in the Netherlands only get worse during the past decade. For a certain part of the electorate, being tough on immigration is a good thing and whether or not the methods use are illegal or immortal is not important. With the PVV feeding the flames of xenophobia (loudly drumming on their desks during the emergency debate about the deportation of those Iraqi refugees) and our rightwing minority government dependent on their support, I expect things will be getting worser still. There certainly doesn’t seem to have been any great rush in improving migrant detention after the publication of Amnesty’s first report two years ago…

James May’s Man Lab



The second episode of James May’s Man Lab has just started and there’s something both endearing and disturbing about the Maysian version of the Vitruvian Man, showing May in his y-fronts with the various subjects of his series arranged around him, his arm swinging to whichever is going to be featured in the next segment. It’s all a bit too ..evocative… of a certain right hand action.

James May’s Man Lab is a collection of supposedly blokish pursuits, in an attempt to rehabilitate modern man by teaching him the abilities of their ancestors. In other words, it’s James and his pals in a shed putting in kitchen fittings, fiddling with cars, creating their own pub, dismantling World War II bombs and such like. Harmless fun, fitting May’s fuddy duddy, weird but charming uncle image.

The politics of it are strange though. Not so much the inherent sort of “No Gurls Allowed” sexism in the series, but the idea that watching a tv programme featuring some blokings doing blokish stuff entertainingly crappy makes you a better man. James agitates (well, politely suggests rather) for men to become more skilled, to do more manly stuff instead of just idly consuming tv and computer games by erm, getting them to watch a television series…

Is Bujold hard science fiction?

James asks for recommendations for hard science fiction written by women. I suggest Lois McMaster Bujold, but Ross TenEyck disagrees:

So a story that is undeniably science fiction, by virtue of being littered with SF props (e.g., ubiquitous space travel), and even one in which all the science is correct or at least plausible, does not necessarily — by my definition — count as hard SF… if all the science details are simply background to whatever the story is. And, although I’ve only read a couple of short stories in the Vorkosigan series, my impression is that it may fall into this boat. Science fiction, yes, science correct-or-plausible, sure, but the stories (so far as I’ve gathered from discussion about them) aren’t really about the science, so to me it isn’t hard SF.

I actually can go along with this, at least in part. Hard science fiction needs to be about the science, if only to distinguish it from all other science fiction. But his unfamiliarity with the Vorkosigan series is showing here. At first glance it does look like a standard mil-sf series, but the genius of Bujold is that she writes stories that revolve around science, technology and the sociological and cultural impact of these, without you realising she is doing this.

Much hard science fiction suffers from technofetishism, where the characters go around lovingly describing each type of ship taking part in a space battle or go into the finer details of the ammunition they’re using in the midst of a firefight. Even when the focus is less militaristic, it can sometimes seem the future is entirely populated by geeks. This is not the case with Bujold: her characters are people comfortable with using futuretech, without particularly noticing it or how it influences their society, but this influence is still there. As a reader it means you yourself have to work harder to notice things too, as they’re not pointed out to you.

The best example is the uterine replicator, first introduced in Shards of Honor. Here’s a technology that means women no longer have to suffer the dangers and side effects of pregnancy anymore, it’s going to have a massive impact on any society introduced to it. Barrayar never had this technology until recently and during the Vorkosigan series you see the effects of its introduction and the accompanying gender selection methods reverb through its society, until in Komarr the fact that Ekaterin had had a natural pregnancy was seen not just as unusual, but as almost perverse. She herself said she did it out of foolish romanticism, but it’s clear she was pressured into it by her husband and it counts heavily against him that he did so. Meanwhile the entire plot of the love story between Ekaterin and Miles himself is shaped by the effects gender selection had on Barrayar’s supply of potential wives, as every familiy went for sons over daughters and males started to outnumber females heavily…

And of course, uterine replicators are at the heart of Barrayar.

Omaha Beach: a Flawed Victory – Adrian R. Lewis

Omaha Beach: a Flawed Victory


Omaha Beach: a Flawed Victory
Adrian R. Lewis
381 pages including index and notes
published in 2001

Omaha Beach: A Flawed Victory was not quite the book I expected it to be or wanted to read. What I thought I was getting out of the library was a book describing the landings itself, looking in detail at how the battle for Omaha Beach evolved, similar to a book on Kursk I got at the same time. What I got instead was an analysis of the strategic choices made for the landings and how that led to near-disaster at Omaha. The actual battle is dealt with in the first chapter, the rest of the book deals with the reasons why the battle happened as it did.

Any disappointment I felt was shortlived. The book I got was easily as interesting as the book I wanted to get. What it managed to do was to make me question the “official” reasons why the Americans at Omaha Beach did so much worse than their colleagues at Utah or the British/Commonwealth forces at their landings. What I’ve always read was that the American commanders at Omaha had both underestimated the German resistance and the German fortification and had rejected the use of all the various special enginering tanks the British had developed to tackle these fortifications, the socalled “Hobart’s Funnies“. What Adrian R. Lewis argues instead was that the real problem was that the Normandy Landings were planned according to the wrong doctrine, that the experience build up in earlier landings in the Pacific and the Mediterranean was ignored in favour of finding new solutions to the same problems because the commanders in charge of Operation Overlord overestimated the uniqueness of the operation.

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